By Matthijs Bogaards, Sebastian Elischer
The certain factor revisits Levitsky and Way’s seminal research on aggressive Authoritarianism (2010). The contributions by means of North American, eu, and African students deepen our figuring out of the emergence, trajectories, and results of hybrid regimes around the African continent.
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Additional info for Democratization and Competitive Authoritarianism in Africa
2013. Moestrup, S. 1999. The role of actors and institutions: The dif¿culties of democratic survival in Mali and Niger. Democratization, 6(2), 171–186. National Democratic Institute (NDI). 1993. Coordinating observers to the 1993 elections in Niger. Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. Niger Summary of Amnesty International’s Concerns in 1992, AI Index: AFR 43/02/93 United States Department of State. 1993. S. Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 1993—Niger.
Severe intensity of violence and intimidation, judicial court rigging, and many other options are available to render an election meaningless. Specifying the distinction between (un)competitiveness would enhance the explanation of the variable. The UPF does not apply to a number of political contexts in Sub-Saharan Africa. Speci¿cally, in cases of post-conÀict, revolution, death or exile of head-of-state or other cases where an incumbent is not clearly identi¿able to bene¿t from state capture, the UPF is not applicable.
I only differed substantially in the case of Mali, which I classi¿ed as a “Democracy” according to the CA model. The Malian case illustrates our dif¿culty with the question of timing in the application of this model. Although military coup leader Amadou Toumani Touré had the capacity to wield state resources in his favor during the 1992 elections, he chose instead not to participate. The elections were widely viewed as free and fair and resulted in the peaceful transfer of executive power and turnover in parliament.